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Sexism in language: A problem that hasn’t gone away

• By discoversociety
• March 01, 2016
• 2016 , Articles , Issue 30

Deborah Cameron

2016 marks the 40 th anniversary of the publication of Casey Miller and Kate Swift’s Words and Women . Described on its cover as a ‘landmark work that reveals the sexual biases present in our everyday speech and writing’, this second-wave feminist classic drew attention to the pervasiveness of what feminists dubbed ‘ he-man language ’ (the conventional use of ‘he’ and ‘man’ in generic references to mixed groups, as in ‘man has always adapted to his environment’), and to the routine occurrence in journalism of formulas that either defined women by their familial roles (‘mother-of-two breaks speed record’), or else objectified, sexualised and demeaned them (‘vice-girl arrested’; ‘gentlemen prefer blondes’). In feminist circles these complaints were already familiar; but books like Words and Women, accessibly written for a general audience, helped to bring the issue of sexist language into the mainstream.

In those days the mainstream was not unreceptive. Changes in conventional usage always provoke resistance, and the reforms proposed by feminists were no exception. But many influential gatekeepers were sympathetic to the feminist argument. Advice on avoiding sexist language began to appear routinely in publishers’ and newspapers’ style guides, college writing handbooks and standard reference works on usage. By the end of the 1980s it seemed the battle had largely been won—all feminists and their supporters had to do was wait for the remaining dinosaurs to become extinct.

But as it turned out, it wasn’t quite that simple.

One problem which arose early on was a tendency to water down the original feminist analysis by equating ‘non-sexist’ language with what is now often called ‘ gender fair’ or ‘inclusive’ terminology. What feminists had originally coined the term ‘sexism’ to describe was a systemic structural inequality between men and women; but as the concept entered mainstream thinking it came to be understood in more liberal terms, as meaning any kind of unequal or differential treatment on the grounds of sex. This understanding, which presupposes that sexism affects both sexes equally, was reflected in legislation, such as the Sex Discrimination Act which was passed in Britain in 1975 . The Act had a linguistic dimension, in that it required job advertisements to make clear in their wording that positions were open to applicants of both sexes. The result was to favour the use of neutral or inclusive terms over other strategies which feminists had developed (such as the ‘visibility strategy’ of using language that deliberately calls attention to the presence of women, or treats women rather than men as the norm). Over time, this preference has become entrenched: any attempt to counter sexism by departing from the inclusiveness principle is liable to attract the criticism that it treats men unfairly and is therefore sexist itself.

In some contexts (including job advertisements), inclusive language is a reasonable strategy for countering sexism. In others, however, it tends to obscure the structural inequalities that were foregrounded in feminist analysis. An example is the proliferation of inclusive terms like ‘ gender-based violence ’ and ‘intimate partner killing’, which are now part of the official language used by government agencies, NGOs and transnational bodies like the UN.  These terms can imply that women are as likely to harm or kill men as vice-versa, when in reality virtually all ‘gender-based violence’, especially where it involves repeated and/or serious offences, is in fact male violence against women . Also ubiquitous nowadays are references to ‘parents’ and ‘parenting’: though this is an area where inclusive terminology can be useful, the automatic use of neutral terms obscures the fact that childcare continues to be disproportionately the responsibility of mothers .

Since it was first taken up as an issue, the progress of non-sexist language reform has also been affected by various changes in the political weather. In the 1970s and 1980s feminism was a significant political and cultural force, but its influence weakened during the 1990s. Younger women were repudiating the ‘F-word’, a new ‘lad culture’ was on the rise, and pundits proclaimed the onset of a ‘post-feminist’ era. At the same time, there was a concerted attack on so-called ‘political correctness’, and the alleged policing of language by a motley crew of feminists, LGBT activists, anti-racists and multiculturalists promoting extreme and restrictive speech-codes. Though non-sexist language policies had been around for two decades, and had not been considered ‘extreme’ by the many mainstream organizations which had adopted them, in this new climate they became suspect by association.

This change in mood was reflected not only in attitudes to the project of language reform, but also in everyday language-use. Some quantitative analyses of corpus data from the late 20 th century (a ‘corpus’ is a large, computer-searchable sample of authentic usage, selected to be representative of the language in question) suggest that trends which were noticeable in the 1970s and 80s, such as a rise in the use of ‘he or she’ rather than ‘he’ in formal written texts, were starting to be reversed by the turn of the millennium. Evidently the cultural pressure to avoid sexism was not maintained for long enough for new conventions to become naturalized: as the pressure decreased, the old habits of usage crept back. Of course, there were parts of the culture where they had never really gone away; but it is noticeable that ‘he-man’ language has returned to some of the areas which most decisively rejected it in the past.

Universities are one example: research suggests that the shift away from ‘he’ in the 1970s and 80s was most pronounced in academic writing, but as a university teacher today, I rarely encounter a student who does not use the generic masculine. Similarly, few of my colleagues raise an eyebrow when faced with references to the ‘chairman’ of a committee, even when the person in question is female. The mass media are another domain where there seems to be less awareness of the issue now than there was at some points in the past. Again, it is true that there was never much awareness of it in some parts of the media (especially the press): it was no surprise when, in 2014, the Daily Mail reported the choice of Rev. Libby Lane as England’s first female Anglican bishop under the headline ‘ Saxophone playing vicar’s wife is C of E’s first woman bishop ’. But broadcast news outlets which do not share the Mail’s conservatism can also display a surprisingly old-fashioned turn of phrase. As I write, one of the day’s main news stories concerns a clinical trial in which several volunteers suffered brain-damage after taking an experimental drug: the news bulletin I watched explained that it was not the first time the drug had been tested ‘in man’. (In fairness, I heard another which used the phrase ‘on humans’, but the point is that ‘man’ has not withered away as feminists 40 years ago imagined it would.)

In the 21 st century there has been a notable resurgence of feminist political activism.  But the form in which feminism has returned is, inevitably, different from the form it took in the past.  One development that has affected attitudes to language is the rise of a new kind of gender identity politics.  Today the most vocal demands for linguistic reform come from trans, non-binary and genderqueer activists; and when they call for ‘inclusive’ language, what they mean is not language that includes women as well as men, but language that includes people of all genders and none.

This new version of the inclusiveness principle can be in severe tension with the older feminist aim of using language to raise women’s status and visibility. Recently, the desire to avoid language deemed ‘trans exclusionary’ has led a number of women’s organizations, from Britain’s National Union of Students Women’s Campaign to the Midwives’ Association of North America , to move away from female-specific language, abandoning expressions like ‘sister(hood)’ in favour of the more ‘inclusive’ ‘siblinghood’, and substituting ‘people’ or ‘individuals’ for ‘women’ in the phrase ‘pregnant ____’.   There have also been proposals to redesign official documents such as UK passports, drivers’ licenses and university application forms so that an individual’s gender no longer has to specified—though some feminists have expressed concern that this change would make it harder to access full and accurate information relating to areas where we know there are continuing problems of sex inequality and discrimination.

On the other hand, some non-sex-specific terms originally proposed by feminists have been successfully revived by supporters of the new gender identity politics. For instance, it was 1970s feminists who first argued for ‘they’ to be accepted in its (historically well-established) use as a singular third person pronoun ; the non-sex-specific courtesy title ‘Mx’ was also created in the 1970s as a more radical non-sexist alternative than ‘Ms’ to ‘Mr/Mrs/Miss’ (the first known use of it appeared in a 1977 magazine for single parents). Though both proposals met with strong resistance at the time, they have now won the support of influential gatekeepers. In 2015 the Washington Post accepted singular ‘they’ as a legitimate usage , while the title ‘Mx’ is now offered as an option by mainstream institutions including universities, banks, the UK’s Department of Work and Pensions and the Royal Mail.

But in their new guise these linguistic forms have a different function from the one feminists originally envisaged for them. Rather than replacing the alternatives and so eliminating gender distinctions, they have become additional options on an expanded menu, marking the newer distinction between ‘cis’ and other gender identities. That may be why they have proved more acceptable to the gatekeepers this time around: they don’t require everyone to abandon traditional pronouns or titles, they only require acknowledgment of the alternative choices made by certain individuals.

Concerns about the way women are represented may figure less prominently in public debates on language than they did 40 years ago, but it would not be true to say that feminists have stopped criticizing sexist language, or that they are no longer making organized efforts to change it. Today, though, their efforts are more likely to be incorporated into campaigns on other issues. For instance, anti-rape activists have targeted the use of victim-blaming and otherwise inappropriate language in rape reporting , and campaigners on the issue of child sex abuse have put pressure on the media to stop describing children as ‘having sex with’ (rather than ‘being raped by’) adult men, and to end the use of the term ‘child prostitute’ . There has also been renewed criticism of sexist language in the context of campaigns against the marketing of sex-stereotyped toys, books and clothing to children.

So, this is a story of continuity as well as change, and of successes as well as setbacks. But an important reason for telling it is to counter the view (in my experience quite a common one outside activist circles) that sexism in language is yesterday’s problem: that we no longer need to think about it, or do anything about it, because it was all settled decades ago. I think that’s a mistake—and not only because, as I’ve already pointed out, the battle wasn’t won decisively in the 1980s. Since language changes continuously, along with the larger social context in which it is used, questions about it can never be considered definitively settled. Every generation of feminists will need both to revisit old arguments and to engage with new debates—and of course, to develop their own ideas about why and how language matters.

Further reading and references: Anne Curzan, Fixing English : Prescriptivism and Language History (Cambridge University Press, 2014) Casey Miller and Kate Swift, Words and Women: New Language in New Times (Anchor Press, 1976, 2001) Casey Miller and Kate Swift, The Handbook of Non-Sexist Writing: A Practical Guide for Writers and Editors (Women’s Press, 1980) Sara Mills, Language and Sexism (Cambridge University Press, 2008) Anne Pauwels, Women Changing Language (Longman, 1998)

Deborah Cameron is Professor of Language and Communication at Oxford University. She is the author of several books about language, gender and feminism, including The Myth of Mars and Venus and On Language and Sexual Politics , and she blogs at Language: a feminist guide .

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Sexism in Languages: How we are ignoring everyday Inequality

Written by Sophie

In times where Gender Equality and everyday sexism are heated debate topics in the media, one massive example of sexism is frequently overlooked: Language.

In the 21st Century, equality is one of the most heated debate topics. Governments and Movements have put much work into ensuring equality between both genders, going as far as to introduce quotas and positive discrimination to ensure that everyone is equal. However, nowadays, when so many steps are being taken to ensure equality, it is quite strange that one blinding example of everyday sexism has not become widely noticed yet. Language. One of the things everyone in the world uses every day, every hour, every minute, that subconsciously enforces stereotypes and inequality. How has this not been noticed yet? We continuously avoid a topic that should have been solved long ago. Why?

The truth is that even in the modern day, language still holds countless examples of sexism and normalizes them, encouraging gender stereotypes and negative mindsets towards the other gender. Whether in gendered or non-gendered languages, or simply common phrases that are used all the time, sexism in linguistics remains a massive problem.

Common, according to studies even more harmful, examples of sexism in languages exist not only in English, but in foreign languages, in the form of male generic terms used to refer to both genders. In languages with structured gender, like Italian or German, it is normal to refer to both men and women, or to persons whose gender is irrelevant or unknown with masculine nouns. For example, in French, the female pronoun is Elle and the male is Il . When it is a group of women, they are described as Elles , but as soon as a single male enters this group the pronoun becomes male plural, Ils . How is this fair? In languages without structured gender, like English, generic forms also use the masculine pronoun, for example him and his can be used either in a male-specific or in a generic sense, whilst she and her are only used to refer to females. There is a large problem with this structure. Studies have proven that it clearly fails to be a neutral generic, as the masculine generic does not depict men and women as equal humans, making women feel like a subcategory of men, which strengthens sexist mindsets and is clearly not the case. A study made in 2005 about the cognitive effects of masculine generics in German asked participants to answer questions such as “Who is your favorite musician?” showed that people, when asked a question with a masculine generic, tended to answer with predominantly men. When gender-fair forms such as Musiker (masc.)/ Musikerinnen (fem.) were used, more women were mentioned. This clearly displays how masculine generics actively discriminate against women and do not represent them fairly.

In fact there are solutions for these problems. A few years ago, Sweden added a gender neutral pronoun hen into its language to refer to people whose gender are unknown or those who do not identify as a man or a woman. At first, the change was received negatively by the majority of the public, but nowadays studies show the pronoun is more frequently used and accepted by the Swedish public. Other studies have found there is a positive correlation between countries where gender-neutral and genderless languages are spoken and gender equality.

However, not everyone is willing to adopt these solutions, protesting against changes to the grammar of the language. For example, changing the languages would equate to a massive overhaul in education, grammar and books. Is it worth the trouble? In German, several people proposed that one could use a star to put male and female words into one, for example, Musiker*innen. However, this was met with disagreement and controversy, and the debate quickly shut down. Could you, especially in languages such as French or Spanish, which are gendered and completely depend on this gender system, change what is to some something so small? Especially since still a large percentage of people do not believe this language is actually a problem, and that changing a language would do nothing to improve the view of women in society. For them, changing the grammatical structure of their language would be a waste of money and time that could be better spent elsewhere.

Countless examples of inequality in languages are found in English, not just in the form of structure, but phrases and words. English features many phrases that are frequently used that enforce gender stereotypes. A prominent example of such is the phrase “Man up.” Used to tell people to be brave or stop being cowardly or hesitant, often to pressure them to do something they do not want to do. The keyword in this that highlights the sexism is “Man”. Not women up, but man up, associating the instance of bravery with the common stereotype of the strong, brave male, enforcing this stereotype without the speaker realizing it themselves. Going almost hand in hand with this is the common association of screaming with girls. “You scream like such a girl” or any variant of the former is commonly used to poke fun at someone for being scared. This connects the female gender with fear or being cowardly, subconsciously strengthening the stereotype of women being the weaker, “gentler” sex.

There are countless examples of such phrases littered throughout the English language, some so subtle one might not notice it, or some so glaringly obvious that one wonders why this issue has not been largely addressed until now. All of these subconsciously enforce sexism against both genders and strengthen harmful stereotypes. Yet how have we ignored this until now?

The main problem is that there is no large solution to not using these phrases. Some, so commonly used that they are simply part of our language and used automatically without thinking. People cannot simply erase phrases like these from our memory. Another major problem is that the large majority of people do not see the inequality spread by sexist phrases or lack the will to change such. Many cannot be bothered to remove a daily example of inequality, perhaps in their opinion, minimal, from their vocabulary. Some might not even find an issue with it at all, and choose to continue speaking so. Who are we to tell them no? It is freedom of speech. Especially with more subtle examples, can the government prescribe and ban language that is even in the slightest degree sexist? And the answer is no.

An easy solution to this issue is not yet here, and until then, we need to rely on the people to change their vocabulary, to change the way they speak to erase these everyday examples. Whilst it might take work, some thought before speech, it is the only viable solution. For small instances like these, it is in the hands of the people to start change, not the government.

It is clear that this debate is not one sided, and features many viewpoints and perspectives, each different and unique. Similar to many controversial topics, there are no clear solutions or paths to use to solve what is to some a huge obstacle in the road to equality and for others normality and not an issue at all. There is no answer, and so the debate continues. Despite evidence for the ideology that language actively supports sexist ideas and stereotypes, this urgent issue is not touched upon. Especially in times where #MeToo and female empowerment are stronger than ever, why is a simple, much more common example of everyday sexism being ignored by the mainstream media? There is potential for positive change, and a solution to a problem that subconsciously damages the values we stand for. For success in such an undertaking, sexism in linguistics needs attention. Because in the end, it is the actions of the majority that matter, and that will bring change.

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This is a genuinely fascinating article.

Excellent article, very though provoking, I shall certainly be more careful with my choice of phrases in the future.

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Essay: Why Sexist Language Matters

• Published: June 2002
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Hofstadter, D. R. (1986). A person paper on purity in language. In D. R. Hofstadter, Metamagical themas: A questing for the essence of mind and pattern (pp. 159-167). New York: Bantam.

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Gender bias and sexism in language.

• Michela Menegatti Michela Menegatti Department of Psychology, University of Bologna
•  and  Monica Rubini Monica Rubini Department of Psychology, Alma Mater Studiorum University of Bologna
• https://doi.org/10.1093/acrefore/9780190228613.013.470
• Published online: 26 September 2017

Language is one of the most powerful means through which sexism and gender discrimination are perpetrated and reproduced. The content of gender stereotypes, according to which women should display communal/warmth traits and men should display agentic/competence traits, is reflected in the lexical choices of everyday communication. As a consequence, language subtly reproduces the societal asymmetries of status and power in favor of men, which are attached to the corresponding social roles. Moreover, the hidden yet consensual norm according to which the prototypical human being is male is embedded in the structure of many languages. Grammatical and syntactical rules are built in a way that feminine terms usually derive from the corresponding masculine form. Similarly, masculine nouns and pronouns are often used with a generic function to refer to both men and women. However, such linguistic forms have the negative effects of making women disappear in mental representations. Although the use of gender-fair linguistic expressions can effectively prevent these negative consequences and promote gender equality, there are even more implicit forms of gender bias in language that are difficult to suppress. By choosing terms at different levels of abstraction, people can affect the attributions of the receiver in a way that is consistent with their stereotypical beliefs. Linguistic abstraction, thus, is a very subtle resource used to represent women in a less favorable way and thus to enact gender discrimination without meaning to discriminate or even be aware that this linguistic behavior has discriminatory results. In order to reduce gender bias, it is necessary to change people’s linguistic habits by making them aware of the beneficial effects of gender-fair expressions.

• linguistic gender bias
• masculine generics
• gender-fair language
• language abstraction
• gender stereotypes
• intergroup communication

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Gender Bias and Sexism in Language

Language is one of the most powerful means through which sexism and gender discrimination are perpetrated and reproduced. The content of gender stereotypes, according to which women should display communal/warmth traits and men should display agentic/competence traits, is reflected in the lexical choices of everyday communication. As a consequence, language subtly reproduces the societal asymmetries of status and power in favor of men, which are attached to the corresponding social roles. Moreover, the hidden yet consensual norm according to which the prototypical human being is male is embedded in the structure of many languages. Grammatical and syntactical rules are built in a way that feminine terms usually derive from the corresponding masculine form. Similarly, masculine nouns and pronouns are often used with a generic function to refer to both men and women. However, such linguistic forms have the negative effects of making women disappear in mental representations. Although the use of gender-fair linguistic expressions can effectively prevent these negative consequences and promote gender equality, there are even more implicit forms of gender bias in language that are difficult to suppress. By choosing terms at different levels of abstraction, people can affect the attributions of the receiver in a way that is consistent with their stereotypical beliefs. Linguistic abstraction, thus, is a very subtle resource used to represent women in a less favorable way and thus to enact gender discrimination without meaning to discriminate or even be aware that this linguistic behavior has discriminatory results. In order to reduce gender bias, it is necessary to change people’s linguistic habits by making them aware of the beneficial effects of gender-fair expressions.

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We know that women are underrepresented in math-intensive fields despite marginal gender differences in mathematical performance. Some researchers believe that societal factors contribute to this problem and have called for more nuanced methodologies to examine why underrepresentation and gender stereotypes about math continue to persist. The purpose of this study was to examine what messages teachers and instructional materials convey in a kindergarten mathematics classroom through discourse analysis of the intended curriculum and teacher perceptions guided by the following research questions: (1) How does the Everyday Mathematics kindergarten curriculum and supplemental curriculum materials position and write about girls in comparison to boys? and (2) How do teachers describe girls in comparison to boys and position them when discussing their beliefs about mathematics instruction and equity in the kindergarten classroom? Findings from the intended curriculum and teacher interviews include: (1) teachers and curriculum predominantly use inclusive and non-gendered language, (2) teachers and curriculum represent girls and boys similarly; however, subtle gender bias in language and illustrations persists. Further examination of subtle gender bias revealed that boys are privileged in language and illustrations, and that intentional non-stereotypical representations of girls are more prevalent than non-stereotypical representations of boys. In conclusion, teachers and curriculum materials represent girls and boys more equitably than found in previous studies; however, subtle gender bias persists. These findings extend conversations of diversity and inclusion currently conducted at the study site by intentionally focusing on gender in addition to other identities. In turn, curriculum developers could consider less privileging of boys in language and illustrations, and teachers and curriculum writers could more intentionally represent both girls and boys more frequently in non-stereotypical roles and ways.

Current Trends in Gender Conceptualization and Their Reflection in English Learner’s Dictionaries

The aim of this article is to identify how modern English-language dictionaries reflect the recent shift in the conceptualization and categorization of gender caused by the changes in gender theory, gender ideology and social transformations. The need to address this topic is driven by the fact that, in the Anglophone academic discourse and everyday life, the binary structure of the gender is no longer considered the norm and gender-neutral communication practices are gaining in scale. The study focuses on various structural components of entries from the latest editions of five major British dictionaries for EFL students (‘the Big Five’): Oxford Advanced Learner’s Dictionary (OALD), Cambridge Learner’s Dictionary (CLD), Longman Dictionary of Contemporary English (LDOCE), Macmillan English Dictionary for Advanced Learners (MEDAL), and Collins English Dictionary (CED). To identify the shifts in the recording of gender relevant information, the authors analyzed the headwords of dictionary entries, definitions, illustrative examples, gender relevant usage notes, and non-sexist language guidelines. Illustrative examples were also selected from dictionary entries thematically related to issues of family, marriage and sexual relations, as well as to the topics of discrimination, debate, (in)tolerance, and prejudice. The authors used definitional analysis and semantic interpretation to achieve the aim. The findings were then compared with the results of an earlier study on the construction of gender in the first (1948) and fifth (2005) editions of OALD. The study demonstrates that in modern lexicography deconstruction of gender stereotypes has become even more pronounced than in the dictionaries published at the beginning of the century. Different elements of dictionary entries emphasize such issues as women’s rights campaigning and elimination of gender discrimination in all its forms. New types of masculinity are represented in various entry components. The ideas of gender fluidity and same-sex relations have become much more prominent than in the 2000s. Along with recording traditional gender representations, modern dictionaries tend to consistently avoid the implications of heteronormativity and heterosexuality by recognizing multiple gender identities. This tendency is registered in all structural components of the analyzed dictionaries. New types of communicative practices that stem from the changes in gender conceptualization, such as ‘preferred pronouns’ and others, are reflected in illustrative examples and by the new coinages used as headwords. The major trends affecting the way gender ideology is reflected in modern dictionaries include digitalization of lexicographic practices, increased role of corpora as a source of illustrative examples, and democratization of dictionary making process by registering new coinages, particularly gender relevant ones, submitted by the users.

Energy Politics and Gender

Policy makers and scholars often assume gender to be irrelevant in energy politics. However, an increasing body of scholarship and development policies has focused on how gender discrimination has negative effects on women’s access to energy resources and equal contributions to decision-making processes that influence energy issues. This article evaluates four overarching and salient policy and research discourses that frame women’s and men’s positions in benefiting from and participating in decision-making about energy. First, energy has mainly been perceived as gender neutral, ignoring gendered outcomes of energy policies. Second, women have been presented as victims of energy poverty in the global South to instigate donors and action. Third, women’s empowerment in the global South has been presented as instrumental to increasing productivity and economic growth through access to modern sources and uses of energy. These discourses have produced narratives that provide limited imaginaries of women’s agency and relevance to the politics of energy in their lives. The fourth and less familiar discourse has presented women as rights holders of basic services, including access to modern and sustainable energy. This last discourse has provided a tool for examining the deeper unequal structures, as well as holding stakeholders in supply accountable for reproducing gender equality, needed to understand and produce relevant and socially just knowledge.

A sense of belonging helps! The alleviating effect of national identification on burnout among diplomats

PurposeThis paper aims to explore the interplay between burnout, national identity and career satisfaction among diplomats. In particular, the authors focus on the roles of home and host country identification as an emotional resource for overcoming the negative effects of job-related burnout.Design/methodology/approachSurvey responses from 123 diplomats were used to assess the moderating role of home and host country identification on the relationship between burnout and career satisfaction.FindingsVarious combinations of high or low home or host country identification were tested, and the findings suggest that the negative effect of burnout on career satisfaction is reduced for those individuals that have high identification with both the home and the host country, while this is not the case for other combinations. This points to the beneficial effects of dual national identifications even for diplomats – a group that would normally be expected to identify strongly with the home country alone.Originality/valueNo existing study that the authors know of has explored the relationship between burnout, national identity and career satisfaction among diplomats or other types of expatriates. This is unfortunate because a better understanding of national identity could guide practitioners in finding ways to reduce the negative consequences of burnout in international organizations.

Longitudinal effects of antibiotics and fecal transplant on lemur gut microbiota structure, associations, and resistomes

AbstractAntibiotics alter the diversity, structure, and dynamics of host-associated microbial consortia, including via development of antibiotic resistance; however, patterns of recovery from dysbiosis and methods to mitigate negative effects, remain poorly understood. We applied an ecological framework via long-term, integrated study of community structure, across scales, to improve understanding of host-microbe symbiosis during dysbiosis and recovery. We experimentally administered a broad-spectrum antibiotic alone or with subsequent fecal transfaunation to healthy, male ring-tailed lemurs (Lemur catta) and longitudinally tracked the diversity, composition, associations, and resistomes of their gut microbiota. Whereas microbial diversity recovered rapidly in lemurs, antibiotics caused long-term instability in community composition – effects that were attenuated by fecal transfaunation. Antibiotic resistance genes, which were universally present, including in treatment-naïve subjects, increased during and persisted after antibiotic treatment. Long-term, integrated study post antibiotic-induced dysbiosis revealed differential, metric-dependent evidence of recovery, beneficial effects of fecal transfaunation, and negative consequences to lemur resistomes.

KURIKULUM PENDIDIKAN DASAR DALAM PERSPEKTIF GENDER

<p>Tulisan ini bermaksud mengkaji tentang implementasi kurikulum pada pendidikan dasar yang berbasis pada kesetaraan gender. Untuk maksud tersebut, penulis melakukan penelitian kualitatif. Dengan melihat berbagai fenomena bias dan diskriminasi gender yang selama ini membudaya, termasuk dalam dunia pendidikan menjadikan upaya untuk membangun kurikulum berperspektif gender menemukan relevansinya. Pendidikan dasar, sebagai upaya membangun pengetahuan, keterampilan  dan sikap sejak dini menjadi hal penting dalam sosialisasi dan penanaman keadilan gender.Dari hasil penelitian yang telah dilakukan, dapat diketahui bahwa implementasi kurikulum berperspektif  gender ini bisa dilakukan  melalui  beberapa pendekatan, baik secara implisit, eksplisit,  perubahan maupun aksi sosial sebagai upaya dalam meminimalisir bias gender yang ada dalam pendidikan, tentunya dengan berbagai formulasi yang ditawarkan.</p><p><strong>Kata kunci: kurikulum, pendidikan,  gender</strong></p><div class="Section1"><p><em>B</em><em>A</em><em>S</em><em>I</em><em>C EDUCATION CURRICULUM IN A GENDER PERS- PECTIVE. This paper  intends  to examine the implementation  of the curriculum in primary education based on gender equality.  For that purpose, the authors did a qualitative  research. By looking at t</em><em>h</em><em>e various </em><em>of bias phenomena  and gender discrimination  that is widespread, including in the world of education is making  efforts to build the curriculum based on gender perspective finds its relevance. Primary  education, as an effort  in building  the  knowledge, skills and attitude  since early phase becomes an important  thing in the socialization and instilling  the  gender justice. From  the  results of research that has been done, it can be noted that the implementation of the curriculum based on gender perspective can be done through a number of approaches, either implicitly or explicitly, changes, or social action in an effort to minimize  the gender bias that exists in education, of course with the variety of formulations  that are offered.</em></p></div><p><strong><strong><em>Keywords</em></strong><em>:  curriculum, primary education, gender</em><br /></strong></p>

Reducing gender bias in STEM

Women continue to be underrepresented in science, technology, engineering, and math (STEM). Gender discrimination and gender bias reinforce cultural stereotypes about women and their ability to perform in male-dominated STEM fields. Greater policy intervention can bolster national response to gender-based harassment and discrimination. There are four major efforts that individual institutions, local governments, and the federal government can support to combat gender discrimination in STEM: (1) invest in early education initiatives for increasing female representation, (2) institute stronger state and federal policies around gender discrimination, (3) foster workplace practices that promote diversity, and (4) develop better quantification and metrics for assessing gender discrimination to enact more meaningful policies.

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Essay: Why Sexist Language Matters

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Language and sexism

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Postmodern Subjects, Postmodern BodiesThinking Fragments: Psychoanalysis, Feminism, and Postmodernism in the Contemporary WestYearning: Race, Gender, and Cultural PoliticsGender Trouble: Feminism and the Subversion of Identity

Talking differenceon gender and language, anxious times: a discourse analysis of women's and health professionals' constructions of the experience of breast cancer, language use and gender in the italian parliament, gender and sexuality in english language education: focus on poland, women, fire, and dangerous things: what categories reveal about the mind, relevance: communication and cognition, white women, race matters: the social construction of whiteness, language and woman's place, related papers (5), language and gender, feminism and linguistic theory, language and power, analysing discourse: textual analysis for social research, trending questions (3).

The author argues that there are two forms of sexism in language - overt and indirect - and that new ways are needed to challenge and analyze indirect sexism.

The paper does not provide the author's personal view on sexist language.

The author argues that sexism in language is a problematic concept and suggests that there are two forms of sexism - overt and indirect.

Sexism: Gender, Class and Power Essay

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Introduction

Sexism is one of the challenges that most societies in the contemporary world have struggled to address without any meaningful progress. It refers to discriminatory or abusive behavior towards members of the opposite sex. Although anybody is vulnerable to sexism, it is majorly documented as a problem faced by women and girls. According to psychologists, the challenge of sexism is necessitated by factors such as gender roles and stereotypes across various societies (Dawson, 2018).

Over the years, various human rights groups have made an effort to create awareness about sexism and the probable dangers the victims might be exposed to if effective management strategies are not put in place. Research has established that in societies where sexism is highly rooted, victims are often vulnerable to rape and sexual harassment (Brewington, 2013). Cases of sexism against women are very common in the workplace.

Women are very vulnerable to sexual harassment in the workplace as their male colleagues and bosses often ask for sexual favors in exchange for promotions and salary reviews (Tulshyan, 2016). Women also argue that they are often overlooked in leadership positions because men are considered to have a better chance of succeeding. Sexism is a deep-rooted societal vice that ought to be eliminated in order to promote the value of humanity.

Since the turn of the century, people are more vocal with regard to the danger of sexism. Social networking sites are one of the platforms that people have used to highlight the challenges faced by victims of sexism and offer solutions to the problem. In 2012, the infamous Everyday Sexism project was launched with an aim to expose the numerous acts of sexism across the United Kingdom. The project quickly got the attention of the world as people gave shocking reactions to the degree to which the vice was rampant, especially in the streets (Brewington, 2013).

According to research, social media, as well as print and electronic media, have contributed greatly to the advancement of sexism regardless of the fact that they are also being used to fight the vice. For example, the contemporary hip-hop music industry in the United States has been accused of promoting sexism through their music videos. The genre has led to women being viewed more from a sexual angle because of the way they appear in the music videos.

These videos are aired across major television channels and readily available for consumption by the global audience through YouTube. Fashion magazines have also contributed to the growing challenge of sexism, especially towards women, because the artistic presentation of the female body is angled in a sexual manner (Brewington, 2013).

Apart from the inappropriate portrayal of human bodies by media, sexism is highly prevalent in modern society in several other ways. In the workplace, women often complain of the general assumption that men are more qualified and knowledgeable compared to women (Tulshyan, 2016). It is frustrating for women when a colleague seeks advice or clarification from a male peer when they know that they are in a better position to do the same. Women also consider the inability of an employer to allocate a certain task to them simply because they are physically demanding as an act of sexism (Dawson, 2018).

Women go to the gym and participate in various sports just as men do. Thus, it is wrong to assume they cannot meet the physical demands of a task. Psychologists argue that sexism is a relative concept with regard to the way various societies explain and comprehend it. This is evidenced in the different actions or elements that are considered as being sexist. In some societies, the fact that women are made to change their surname when they get married is considered sexism. Women feel that it is not necessary for them to give up their last name because of a process that even men undergo, yet they get to retain theirs (Brewington, 2013).

Another common form of sexism is sexist language. Studies have established that men are less vulnerable compared to women when it comes to sexual objectification when being addressed. It is important for people to use gender-sensitive language, especially in situations where both men and women are involved. For example, it is wrong to use masculine generics such as “Chairman” when referring to a female leader. Instead, one should use a gender-sensitive term such as chairperson (Lipman, 2018).

It is also an act of sexism to refer to a group of people with both men and women as “Guys” because it creates an impression that women are a category below men as human beings. It is also a common occurrence to hear men referring to adult women as girls. This often infantilizes a woman because it makes one feel like the person addressing her is giving an indication that they are not mature.

The most unfortunate thing about sexist language is the casual manner in which it has been used over the years, to the extent that it has become part of the conventional glossary. This is one of the major challenges facing the fight against sexism. Objectification of women through sexist language is rooted in the stereotypes the society develops from the way girls are raised and theories about their beauty (Evans, 2016). Over the years, women have been used to market products through various forms of advertisements. This has influenced girls to believe that they are as valuable as they look. Therefore, any woman whose beauty fails to meet societal standards tends to feel less valuable.

Sexism has robbed women of their safety, comfort, and voice. Many women who have been a victim of street harassment from men argue that such experiences act as an affirmation that their bodies are owned by the society (Brewington, 2013). Due to laxity within the society, women are made to unwillingly take street harassment as intended compliments rather than abuse. Domestic violence is a form of sexism that has taken away the voice of women.

In many societies, many cases of domestic violence against men and women end up unreported because the victims know they will not get any help with ease. It’s a human rights violation that often demeans the victim because the violator perceives the victim as being weak (Evans, 2016). Unfortunately, domestic violence is legal in places such as the United Arab Emirates, where husbands are allowed to discipline their wives as long as they do not inflict visible injuries.

South Asia is common for practicing a form of sexism called Gendercide. It involves the killing of children of a specific gender. It is close to gender-selective-abortion, where women are forced to terminate their pregnancies depending on the sex of the unborn child. In these practices, girls are targeted more than boys. The same case applies to female genital mutilation, which human rights groups consider as the gravest form of sexism (Evans, 2016).

In contemporary society, technology is widely abused to advance sexist agendas. Women always complain of suffering rape anxiety because people use phone calls and social media posts to deliver threats. No one chooses to be a victim of sexism; thus, avoiding walking in the streets unaccompanied or with people of the same gender is not enough. Cyberbullying is a strategy widely used by sexist people to harass their targets. The internet has turned the world into a global village.

Thus cultural interaction has been greatly heightened (Brewington, 2013). This effect is manifested a lot in the fashion industry, where the dres’ codes for men and women have undergone a huge transformation. Psychologists argue that dres’ codes are sexist in nature. They often limit the power and confidence of women, depending on the societal perception of a certain trend. The style of women wearing pants started in the developed countries as a way of helping women address the threat of rape. Several decades later, it has become a global trend. Some women argue that their lies in wearing dresses, but they are often forced to wear pants for safety purposes (Evans, 2016).

The concept of sexism is very broad and cannot be explained exhaustively. However, it is common knowledge that there is an urgent need to address this global challenge in order to achieve the common good. Gender equality and sensitivity is a right of every human being, thus the need to ensure that we create a more inclusive society. In order to achieve this feat, a change in attitude with regard to the way different genders perceive each other is very important. Men need to understand that they are not biologically programmed to harass women or objectify them.

Brewington, C. (2013). The sacred place of exile: Pioneering women and the need for a new women’s missionary movement . New York, NY: Wipf and Stock Publishers.

Dawson, T. (2018). Gender, class and power: An analysis of pay inequalities in the workplace . New York, NY: Palgrave Macmillan.

Evans, M. (2016). The persistence of gender inequality . New York, NY: John Wiley & Sons.

Lipman, J. (2018). That’s what she said: What men need to know and women need to tell them about working together . New York, NY: Harper Collins.

Tulshyan, R. (2016). The diversity advantage: Fixing gender inequality in the workplace . New York, NY: Create Space Independent Publishing Platform.

• Diversity Organizations and Gender Issues in the US
• Gender Inequality: "Caliban and the Witch" by Federici
• Misogyny and Sexism in Policing
• The Sexism Behind HB16 Bill
• Everyday Sexism in Relation to Everyday Disablism
• Gender Inequality Index 2013 in the Gulf Countries
• Feminist Perspective: “The Gender Pay Gap Explained”
• Transforming the Debate on Sexual Inequality
• Gender Stereotypes: Interview with Dalal Al Rabah
• Women's Work Advantages and Disadvantages Essay
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IvyPanda. (2021, May 7). Sexism: Gender, Class and Power. https://ivypanda.com/essays/sexism-gender-class-and-power/

"Sexism: Gender, Class and Power." IvyPanda , 7 May 2021, ivypanda.com/essays/sexism-gender-class-and-power/.

IvyPanda . (2021) 'Sexism: Gender, Class and Power'. 7 May.

IvyPanda . 2021. "Sexism: Gender, Class and Power." May 7, 2021. https://ivypanda.com/essays/sexism-gender-class-and-power/.

1. IvyPanda . "Sexism: Gender, Class and Power." May 7, 2021. https://ivypanda.com/essays/sexism-gender-class-and-power/.

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IvyPanda . "Sexism: Gender, Class and Power." May 7, 2021. https://ivypanda.com/essays/sexism-gender-class-and-power/.

'Child Star' Documentary To Feature Jojo Siwa, Drew Barrymore, Demi Lovato: What We Know

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A slew of former Disney Channel actors, reality TV darlings and other Hollywood stars who got their start on screen as children are set to talk about their experiences with fame from a young age in a Hulu documentary airing next month that will also serve as Demi Lovato’s directorial debut.

Demi Lavato attends The 2024 Met Gala Celebrating "Sleeping Beauties: Reawakening Fashion."

“ Child Star ” will be released on the streaming service Sept. 17 and feature interviews with many whose big breaks came before they reached double digit ages—and the impacts early stardom had on their careers, development and life later on.

Famous rom-com actress Drew Barrymore, who had her breakout role in "E.T." at 7 and has said she was partying in Hollywood by the age of 10, will share her story, which is similar to those that have been told by Lovato and Christina Ricci, who will also participate in the documentary.

Others expected to be interviewed include former Nickelodeon star Kenan Thompson, JoJo Siwa of “Dance Moms” fame and former Disney Channel actresses Raven-Symoné and Alyson Stoner, the later of whom has said the industry is set up to "watch young lives tragically implode.”

Lovato, who also started on Disney before pivoting to a solo music career that has been defined by stints in rehab and a bipolar disorder diagnosis, told The Hollywood Reporter she "didn’t realize that child stardom could be traumatic.”

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Crucial Quote

"It’s not an exposé, but it is quite blunt," said "Child Star" co-director Nicola March.

Lovato opened up to The Hollywood Reporter in an in-depth interview Wednesday sharing what to expect from the upcoming documentary and how it differs from others recent projects on similar subjects, particularly in that it doesn’t focus on experiences with a specific company or person.

Key Background

A number of former child stars over the last decade have decided to speak up about the trauma of their early experiences with fame, and several documentaries and docuseries have been made on the topic. The show "Quiet on Set: The Dark Side of Kids TV" went viral earlier this year for its multi-part exposéon the culture fostered under former Nickelodeon producer Dan Schneider . The show, which has five episodes, featured actors Drake Bell ("Drake & Josh"), Alexa Nikolas ("Zoey 101") and others talking about a work environment on set that allegedly included pornographic imagery, sexual abuse and harassment. Schneider later sued the show's networks and producers for defamation, calling the show a “hit job.” The suit remains in litigation. A 2020 documentary called " Showbiz Kids " featured interviews with Cameron Boyce, Todd Bridges and Jada Pinkett Smith. Stoner, who has largely backed away from her work in Hollywood, has been open about the impact child stardom had on her life, attributing it to eating disorders, depression and anxiety, and several years ago penned an essay called "The Toddler to Trainwreck Industrial Complex." Barrymore has used her talk show, “The Drew Barrymore Show,” to sporadically share looks into her own past and former Disney star Christy Carlson Romano has spoken up about her experience and advocates for mental health care on sets that include children.

Lovato, now 31, got her start on "Barney & Friends" as a young girl and shot to fame as the star of the Disney Channel original movie "Camp Rock" as a teenager in 2008. She released her first solo album the same year and has since released seven others. She tried cocaine for the first time when she was 17, she said in the YouTube documentary " Simply Complicated ," and went to rehab for the first time when she was 18. She relapsed and entered rehab again several times before announcing she was celebrating five years of sobriety in 2017. Her 2018 song "Sober” revealed another relapse and later that year she was hospitalized for an apparent overdose. She said she gave up all drugs and alcohol in 2021.

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